
R&B (Rhythm & Business): The Political Economy of Black Music
Norman Kelley, Editor
Akashic Books, 2002
$24.95
334 pp.
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There are a few ways this book could have approached its topic. A strict
economic analysis could let numbers do the talking: you put a "one" before
lots of zeroes, then let them scream about how the Snoop Doggy Doggs are
mainstays on radio, film and television. It's inconceivable that their
respective record companies have not benefitted from all the "bow wow wow"
phrases now stuck in our brains, and it seems unfair that bit parts on
Homicide pay more than millions of sold records (No wonder Ice T was
attracted to crime). Though simple, straight economics appear to argue the
case most loudly for the book's client, the black musician, most of the
book's contributors seem more interested in sociology. From a negative end,
this means there's more room for speculation, but it also means the reader
is not drowned by numbers that tire as their math (15,000 records=Nothing
for musician) fills up with easy-to-find discrepancies.
A different method of discussing The Political Economy of Black Music
comes through the anecdotes that history has piled up over the decades. While I
think it's fair to say all races are screwed by record companies, a
concentration on crimes perpetrated against black artists could fascinate,
and could suggest unique ways they have been undone by the business.
Such slanted histories amount to intellectual B.S., but they do serve a
function. When Noam Chomsky avoids fair assessment by focusing on American
atrocities, he makes a point that might otherwise be cluttered by stories
about Indonesian assholes -- i.e. that we're assholes too. Along the same
lines, a focus on black artists could at least drive home the fact that the
Fats Dominos and Bobby Womacks have all given America far more than
they've received. From my perspective, it's easy to make that argument, but
the writers here often fail when they try.
The book's editor, Norman Kelley, is the primary culprit. "Notes on the
Political Economy of Black Music", his launching pad essay, is merely a
celebration of his personal politics. It annoyed me instantly when it
declared, one paragraph in, that black music has "become a commodity that is
indeed easy -- easy to exploit" ("Notes", 6). The entire point of mainstream
music (which for him, in "short hand", is "black music" (7)) is to make as
many people as possible want to hear it, so you have to make it a commodity.
You find something in the song or artist that can attract the 12-year old
buyer -- be it Jennifer Lopez's ass, Slick Rick's criminal record or Luther
Vandross' chic appeal -- and you stamp it all over the product. Degrading?
Quite possibly -- but so what? Artists can't just assume that they're an open
book that says, in big bold letters, "I'm a genius". When a record is not
made into a commodity, and pushed into the world without promotion (like
Marvin Gaye's Here My Dear), it has no chance of becoming the
Thriller of the year. As Prince himself should know by now, to sell
or get ahead on talent alone is a pipe dream.
The further you get into Kelley's essay, the more it takes on a fervent
"blacks-have-been-wronged-like-motherfuckers" tone. Kelley does cite an economist -- but an economist aligned with the Jesse Jacksons in the race-issue business. Amartya Sen says "American blacks"
make less than "American whites" (okeydoke), and that they die sooner than
"low-income Indians in Kerala and the Chinese" (11). Try to connect the
latter statement to the article at hand, and you'd expect Kelley to argue that
the record business has tampered with black musicians' genetic makeup! Oh,
if we were that lucky. Sadly, this essay proves itself typical, not goofy.
It claims blacks can't live longer than other races who make less, because
they lack in "five instrumental freedoms: political freedoms, economic
facilities, social opportunities, transparency guarantees, and protective
securities " (11). Kelley and that chickenshit economist gloss over the
possibility of food habits, because that would lay some blame on black
culture. You can't say eating too much pork or chicken is the problem,
because that sounds racist.
Well, half the essays in this book sound racist to me. Armed with an easy
hypothesis to prove -- that black musicians should make more money than they
do -- the writers squander the opportunity through unnecessary, compulsive
wishes to serenade black musicians ("Black pearl, let me put you up where
you belong"). It's been forty-some years since people stopped celebrating
Pat Boone as the man behind "Tutti Frutti", but the writers act like Little
Richard's wound hasn't healed. These "who stole the soul" writers have joined
to create an extended aria about "Odin", that symbolic black character who
could fly like a hawk in the film O, when all the whites could not.
R&B has accepted Muddy Waters' famous statement -- that rock-n-roll
is the blues' child -- as unalterable, indisputable fact, where songs like
"Wake Up Little Susie" are charged with imitating "African call-and-response
procedures" ("Crossing Over", 133). Recalling the Chuck Berry interview in
his Chess box set, perhaps that "call-and-response" thievery is why "Wake
Up" (and "Every Breath You Take") were among the songs he wished he wrote.
Of course, Reebee Garofalo (the essayist now being cited) plays at fairness
within his essay, but this paragraph on hillbilly music indicates his
slant:
"...Rockabilly is hillbilly rock and roll," insists Nick Tosches. "It was
not a usurpation of black music by whites because its soul, its pneuma, was
white, full of the redneck ethos". "It was that to a degree," acknowledges
Arnold Shaw, "though it would probably be more accurate to describe it as
the sound of young, white Southerners imitating black bluesman" (136).
Now, whenever I want to feel like the pushy, spastic white standing next to
the smooth-talking black in The Jeffersons, I'll just ask to be in
Garofalo's next essay. Keep in mind that Garofalo is white, as is Wendy Day
("I have a degree in African-American studies and white folk have been
robbing black folk since time began" ("Wendy Day, Advocate for Rappers",
255)), as are the majority of writers and readers who'd even entertain this
book's queer central point: that music is made by races, not individual
people, and that whites have no business rapping, playing jazz, or covering
a black performer's song. If a future essay forces Norman Kelley to see how
tejano, pacucho, and other Mexican-American styles have also influenced
popular American performers like Joe Ely, how much do you want to bet that
he'd hunt down some out-of-work professor to say, "There was a black man with a guitar who went to Tijuana in 1910..."
The Political Economy of Black Music shouldn't make arguments down this line. Aside from the fact they are irrelevant to the topic -- artists aren't paid for their influence, or the fact that
their race is collectively clever -- they throw readers so far away from any
thoughtful statement they might make. When the NAACP concludes a
recent report with inflated rhetoric ("structure of the (recording) industry
allows for total white control and domination" (56)), it's just another way
for them to say, "We won't help you", because no business takes heed of such exaggerations. To my mind, it would seem a whole lot better to simply proclaim the brilliance of a Bobby Womack or Ephraim Lewis, then show how he was ripped off, than to speculate on how he would have influenced
Bach, or how his inflection was ripped off from ABBA, and his tight
pants stolen by Justin Timberlake.
As Garofalo at least acknowledges the existence of country music as a
vital American music (after using a Ray Charles quote to imply the steel
guitar takes its "cry and whine" sound directly from the blues (132)), Norman
Kelley receives the reward for most directly stating the
oversimplified crap that I've heard off and on throughout my life -- that
everything sprang from blues and soul, how jazz is America's greatest
musical export, and how Elvis was a racist. He steers the
book down its sorry path, arguing that "African-Americans, collectively
and individually, have set the standards for both performance and
expressivity in American popular music, and, to a certain degree, in popular
culture in general" (7).
Here, music is not the great equalizer and liberator -- the art form that
brings us together ("We Shall Overcome"), wakes us up ("Biko"; "Free Nelson
Mandela"; "Gimme Hope Jo'Anna"), and helps us endure karaoke ("I Will
Survive") -- but a string of ditties used for bullets in you-against-me politics. This
not only sucks, but stands opposed to everything that makes tunes like
"Everyday People" popular in the first place.
In Mark Anthony Neal's "Soul for Sale", the writer makes the case that
blackness is bottled, and he can tell when its mixture has been diluted. He
goes after those like Berry Gordy, who, as businessmen, always quested for a
larger audience. Among his debatable conclusions, the Jackson Five's
popularity dropped solely because Gordy saw them as "little more than a
novelty act" ("Soul", 167). When a band changes musical direction, adopting
to styles of the day, and increases their own creative input, couldn't there
be other reasons why a Get It Together got together with no one? As
for his criticism of What's Happening?, I'm personally thrilled that
producers "totally ignored the vibrant political culture" found in the Watts
Happening Coffee House (from which the show got its name). The result
was a great sitcom about people, not a show with slogans and fictional
chicks who quote Sonia Sanchez or Ntozake Shange. Yes, God bless What's
Happening for staying domestic.
There are some very good articles in this collection, but most of them get
lost in the muck. Danny Goldberg's "Ballad of a Mid-Level Artist" is the
smart numbers-filled essay that Political Economy should have
made its bread and butter, while David Sanjek's "Tell Me Something I Didn't
Know" is a very articulate sociological piece. The latter examines and pokes
good fun at the "Harvard Report", something Kelly also tackles in his
opening essay. The Harvard Report seems to have been used as a primer for
white-owned corporations on whether or not to buy certain black-owned music
labels. It includes a lot of definitions for soul music that are laughable,
and it's a shame the report itself could not be printed verbatim. Sanjek's
essay does a good job covering the label relationships that developed from
it (between CBS and Philadelphia International, and between CBS and STAX), and it's done with a fair eye. Gamble and Huff were the primary cause of
Philadelphia International's downfall, according to Sanjek, as they just
didn't keep up with trends. For all his apparent sensibility, Sanjek is ripe
with at least one oddity all his own: he acts baffled as to why CBS did
not want more "Disco Lady" songs from Johnnie Taylor (72). Perhaps,
unwittingly, he found the single instance in which a major label was looking
out for an artist, as that's the only awful Johnnie Taylor track in
existence.
Frank Kofsky's "If You're Black, Get Back" appeared less fair than the
Sanjek piece, and I got the impression that it created its mountain of text from
something that was barely even a molehill. Kofsky's essay asks why
Columbia produced far more jazz recording sessions from 1957-1965 than the
ten years that followed, and the answer just seems too easy: jazz became
less popular. Just look at our own record collections; while we may like
Bitches' Brew, or are at least pleased to own it, are we fans of the
trends it helped to start? The most popular-selling jazz CDs today are the
Wynton Marsalis throwbacks to the classic fifties style, and that has to say
something. At the very least, it says more than Kofsky's emphatic disbelief
(in John Hammond's remarks) that a jazz record needed to sell about 15,000
units to break even. Admittedly, I doubt that's true either, but you can't
refute it, as Kofsky does, simply by mentioning that records from the fifties
stayed in existence by selling just 500 copies a year. The music world changed
a lot in the twenty years before Hammond made his 15,000-or-else remark, just as
it has changed tons more since the advent of MTV and the Internet. You can't
compare statistics from completely different periods of time and derive
anything but the most basic conclusions from them.
In its defense, Kofsky's article is at least a page turner -- a point that can be made for every piece in the book. The essays that stray far from the book's stated objectives (to document how the music industry has stolen from the blacks) shouldn't have been included, but they are
often the more enlightening pieces. They seem to acknowledge the fact that the music business screws everybody, including consumers who only want the best efforts an artist
can give them. Danny Goldberg's "The Ballad of the Mid-Level Artist", for
example, is fascinating when it tells how Mercury traded a high portion of
their royalty cut in exchange for Shania Twain rushing them new product. The
whole reasoning behind this tradeoff was for Polygram numbers to be high
enough at the end of the year that bigwigs could keep their jobs (78).
It's a case of gambling-with-numbers, ENRON-style. As Shania Twain songs
from Come On Over still pop up in commercials, radio and Britney
Spears films, I guess all parties were pleased with that rush job.
The "Senate Testimony" of the Future of Music Coalition is informative
reading too, though it can be found online for free, while Courtney Love's
"Letter to Fellow Recording Artists" actually produces one of the most
powerful arguments ever made in defense of the artists by stating the
obvious: record executives should not be allowed to have a 95 percent
failure rate and keep their jobs (331). A new business model could demand
more from the executives, and force them to actually do a good job -- which
seems like a requirement any corporation should impose. Of course, if
this means a complete restructuring of the system, in which bands like Hole lose their
contracts, so be it. I don't think Hole wants anything to do with major
labels anymore, anyway. It was on those bastard major labels that Fats
Domino, Buckwheat Zydeco, Ivory Joe Hunter, Lou Rawls, Little Richard,
Cassandra Wilson and Charley Pride all covered Hank Williams songs...
-- Theodore Defosse
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